دانلود مقاله دستور کار حقوق زنان و حمایت برای سقط جنین ایمن
چکیده
مقدمه
ابتکارات دستور کار سازمان های حقوق زنان
داده ها و روش ها
عوامل مانع تلاش WROها برای حمایت از سقط جنین ایمن در کنیا
نتیجه گیری پایانی
منابع
Abstract
Introduction
Women’s Rights Organisations’ Agenda-setting initiatives
Data and methods
Factors impeding WROs’ efforts for safe abortion advocacy initiatives in Kenya
Concluding note
References
چکیده
قوانین محدود کننده سقط جنین که منجر به سقط جنین های ناایمن می شود، یکی از دلایل اصلی مرگ و میر مادران در کنیا است. علیرغم وجود چندین سازمان حقوق زنان (WROs)، حمایت از سقط جنین ایمن در برابر قوانین محدودکننده آن شتابی که موضوع شایسته آن است را ندارد. این تحقیق از ادبیات تنظیم دستور کار برای کشف عواملی استفاده می کند که مانع از ابتکارات حمایتی WROs علیه قوانین محدودکننده سقط جنین در کنیا می شود. این مقاله با استفاده از روش‌های کیفی نشان می‌دهد که دستور کار حقوق زنان ناشی از هنجارهای اجتماعی موجود، اولویت‌های تامین مالی، قوانین ایالتی و عدم همبستگی بین WROها است.
توجه! این متن ترجمه ماشینی بوده و توسط مترجمین ای ترجمه، ترجمه نشده است.
Abstract
Restrictive abortion laws resulting in unsafe abortions form one of the key causes of maternal morbidity and mortality in Kenya. Despite the existence of several Women's Rights Organisations (WROs), advocacy for safe abortions against restrictive laws does not have the momentum the subject deserves. This research draws on agenda-setting literature to explore factors that impede advocacy initiatives of WROs against restrictive abortion laws in Kenya. Using qualitative methods, the article shows that women's rights agenda results from existing societal norms, funding priorities, state legislation, and lack of solidarity among WROs.
Introduction
Out of the 55.7 million abortions that occurred worldwide each year between 2010 and 2014, it is estimated that nearly half of them were reported to be unsafe and they were significantly higher in countries with vastly restrictive abortion laws (Ganatra et al. 2017). Kenya presents one such example wherein restricted abortion laws are in practice as abortions are not permitted unless under emergency circumstances when the life or health of the pregnant women or girl is in danger (Republic of Kenya 2010). The complications related to unsafe abortions in Kenya are reported largely by disadvantaged populations including teenage girls and divorced women revealing their vulnerability to access legal abortion services (Ministry of Health 2013). This ongoing crises for vulnerable women remains a challenge despite the existence of a thriving civil society advocating for women’s rights at national and international levels. This study aims to understand the limited activism of WROs in relation to safe abortions in the Kenyan context by drawing on debates on agenda setting through the research question: What factors influence agenda setting of WROs with respect to advocacy for safe abortion rights? While acknowledging that feminist struggle and practices cannot be homogenised (Mohanty 2003; Phoenix and Pattynama 2006) and not all activists will share the political standpoint in favour of safe abortions, this article argues that limited activism of Women's Rights Organisations (hereafter called WROs) has resulted from a combination of factors including the organisations, their networks, and the wider society.
Concluding note
In this article, we explored the factors that influence the agenda-setting of WROs for building advocacy for safe abortions in Kenya. The differences at the organisational level along with the existing socio-cultural societal norms that are largely patriarchal in nature makes it politically challenging for the WROs to support safe abortion rights. As a result of these challenges, the WROs who engage in advocacy related to safe abortions are either stigmatised and therefore find it very difficult to sustain local partnerships especially within the government sector, or they do so in the guise of reproductive health, which does not have a feminist approach and is therefore limited in its reach. The empirical research highlights how the process of the depoliticisation of the women's rights movement has influenced their agenda-setting strategies. While this article does not aim to engage in NGO bashing, it also does not present a romanticised notion associated with NGOs. In contrast, efforts are made to seek a plural understanding of the agenda-building strategies of WROs through the constraints within which they function. In understanding these constraints, this article shows that WROs' position in this power-play leaves them little choice other than not to put it on the agenda. It is beyond doubt that WROs have come a long way in Kenya – from having limited or no voice to having strong representation on local, national, and international scales. What was not even imaginable two decades back is an achievable reality today, so the efforts of the activists cannot be questioned. With shrinking civic space, several WROs commonly struggle to ensure organisational sustainability in the environment of short-term funding, which is often indirect, and as a result, they end-up aligning with the donor-led agendas in contrast to their own organisational values or local needs, including advocacy for safe abortion rights. The need for professionalisation has led to a class bias towards educated, middle- and upper-middle class women as advocates and the existing abortion legislation disproportionately impacts women who are oppressed, marginalised, and vulnerable to exploitation; consequently, many WROs in Kenya do not focus on safe abortion rights. Therefore, concerted efforts are needed towards the “repoliticisation” of the women's rights agenda (Nyambura 2018) by reconstructing a political movement that generates awareness to build a just and equal society.